“Letters from Yugoslavia” consists of translation of previous articles published in Turkish language in different portals which are piled in "Yugoslavya Mektupları" and current articles that are published in İleri Portal, the press agency of TİP (Workers' Party of Turkey).

Why "Letters from Yugoslavia"? Click here.

Saturday, 25 February 2017

FOOTSTEPS OF FASCISM IN CENTRAL EUROPE

(Original text: Published in May 2, 2016)

The extreme right wing, neo-Nazi parties are getting stronger. Not yet in power, but more effective in government policies. Liberals are without honour by throwing the blame on immigrants and even to the communists. They ignore the failure of neoliberalism.

The success of AfD (Alternative for Germany) leaded by Frauke Petry which is known by anti-immigrant rhetoric, have shown how the extremist nationalism became closer to power during the local elections in Germany by March 2016. It is especially noteworthy that the AfD could get the 24% of the votes in Lower Saxony, part of ex-GDR. A similar case is also visible for Marine Le Pen's National Party in France. Not only in Germany and France, extreme right wing parties in Denmark, Switzerland and Italy are in a serious rise.

In Eastern and Central Europe, extreme right also became important figure of daily politics, not because they came to power, but because their political ideas became popular among ruling political parties.

The latest elections in Slovakia in March 2016 was under discussion widely in the European politics. People's Party – Our Slovakia leaded by Marian Kotleba performed a serious success by getting 8% of the votes. Kotleba is recognized with his boldness in dressing the symbols of Nazi puppet state of Slovakia (1939-1945) in public places.

The real success of Kotleba and his party is not getting 8% of the votes, but his anti-immigrant discourse found positive reflections in the ruling so-called Social Democratic Party. Even more important is that Kotleba got significant support from youngsters. It also has to be noted that when compared with other European countries, less immigrants exist in Slovakia.

A similar case is valid for Czechia. Currently social democrats hold the power in Czechia and extreme right wing DSSS (Worker's Party for Social Justice) was banned in 2010. Currently, there is not any neo-Nazi party in political arena, but there is also not any political party in Czechia confronting nationalism as well. Since 2010 numerous conservative organizations were established in the country. Although none of them do not have any neo-Nazi names or any neo-Nazi expressions in the discourse, everybody knows that if any opportunity will exist they will show off in city centres chanting „Sieg Heil“. Thanks to communists in Czechia, who are relatively powerful, they do not give any opportunity to neo-Nazis to exist in public space.

PiS (Law and Justice) in Poland is a great trouble. Poland is currently like the stronghold of conservatism in Europe. Even those liberals, who usually do not have problems with conservative values, religion, etc began to feel discontent with conservative politics. The misogynist discourse of anti-abortion law in Poland began to trouble some Poles. Last month (February 2016) number of Poles attending street protests confronting PiS and its politics have shown a rise. However, the ever increasing political strength and political effect of neo-Nazis must not be underestimated. It may sound a bit weird that neo-Nazis would be existing in a country like Poland which have experienced such a huge devastation because of Nazi invasion in World War II. However, during the last ten years numerous nationalist, extreme religious organizations are established and get significant support from youngsters. Their actions even sometimes trouble PiS government.

There are those who sympathize Viktor Orban in Hungary since he is following a balanced politics between Russia and USA/EU. Orban and his government have sometimes even important political problems with EU and USA because of that. This should not mislead us: Orban is not that much different from Erdoğan: Vulgar, arrogant and aggressive... and fascist! On the other side, Orban and his Fidesz are even sometimes not enough to conform racists and conservatists. Jobbik (which has got sympathy to Turkish nationalists) has a clear racist political programme.

When we come to ex-Yugoslavia... Those who are governing ex-Yugoslav republics are either the same ones who drove Yugoslavia to bloody warfarein 1990’s or their kids and successors.
Immigrants are seen as the basic reason behind the empowerment of nationalism and racism in the political arena in Central Europe. On the other side, empirical evidence shows that, number of immigrants in those countries are just a few thousands in each. According to an average European politician, the basic reason behind the rise of nationalism and racism is the fear from immigrants and moreover „antidemocratic legacy of half century long communism“. Solution for them is easy: Ban communism, deport immigrants! This is what the liberal right wing politicians cannot utter clearly, but what exactly is done by extreme right wing bullies without any confrontation with those who defend liberal values.

What is ignored is the ongoing effects of global economic crisis of 2009, which caused tens of thousands to be unemployed. Those people had lost their jobs long before the flow of immigrants!
Those shameless right wing politicians, those idiot analysts who easily blame immigrants and even communists turn a blind eye to 2009 crisis, the crisis of neoliberalism.


The near future of Central Europe is dark. But no need to darken the neck. There are those who struggle. We will continue to be the voice of those who struggle in East and Central Europe.

Friday, 17 February 2017

ALEPPO AND SREBRENICA

(Original text: Published in December 19, 2016)

In Turkish language we have a proverb that any comparison is free of any failure. Indeed, most of the comparisons are likely to have conceptual or factual failures. Especially, in contemporary political milieu when it is in the hands of political Islamists who are famous of deceit and exploitation of emotions, especially the religious sentiments. Even to a degree that they would not feel ashamed of exploiting the tearful memory of Srebrenica genocide.

Political Islamists have huge track of creating false stories, hoax news which requires pages of documentations. No doubt, Chetniks (Serbian nationalists) like any other ultra-right wing political group are quite competitive with the political Islamists. Those fake news created during the Bosnian War in 1992-95 by Serbian nationalists broadcasted through TV channels were quite competitive with those actual ones of our age distributed through social media. Some fantastic fictive stories were remarkable. For example, that one about sterilization of Serbian women by vaccines in Prijedor, Bosnia, or like the those about the Serbian babies who are used as food for the lions in the Sarajevo Zoo. Those and similar fake news found quite a large place in Serbian media just before the war, which provided a huge advantage against the anti-war opposition. An average citizen of Serbia would easily believe that an Islamic fundamentalist government was formed in Sarajevo and started to slaughter Serbs.

After almost a quarter century, hypocrisy and deceitfulness have reached to another stage with the new era of internet. Formerly, the fake news were constructed by those disrespectful journalists who would be easily bought by money or offering some other privileges. Today, it is done voluntarily by millions of social media users even usually without being aware of it.

“Social media illiteracy” is a destructive sickness of our society.

I use “social media illiteracy” in quotation marks since it is different than “illiteracy” and does not have any contextual relationship with diplomas gathered through formal education. I think I do not need to give examples on how it is does not. Since you are reading this article (in web) probably most of your news resources are web portals. It is also probably that from time time you get mad by those awkward social media sharings even by those who have PhD degrees. In the beginning of December 2016, we faced with a similar situation during the operation of Syrian Arab Army which ended with liberation of Aleppo from Islamist opposition.

The pro-government media became crazy when it became obvious that jihadists were losing the battle and they –once again- proved that there is no limit in fictive fake journalism. We witnessed how Al Jazeera, which was the address of true journalism during the Iraq War, became a machine to distribute fake news. Later on it was proved that all those photos and stories from “besieged Aleppo” were fake but who cares? The photos were already in circulation in social media.

On the other side, things are not as easy as it was quarter a century ago. It does not take long for a lie to come to light since “fact checking” is right there. In fact “fact checking” is a technical term of journalism, which refers to confirm a news from other resources. However, in contemporary society, or better to say in “post-truth” era, we use this term to confirm those shared information and news in social media. Those fact-checking web pages become more widespread. Even Facebook decided to imply fact-checking tools in struggle against information pollution. In our contemporary society, in post-truth society, the search for the truth is becomes a more virtuous and a more revolutionary action. The more we search for truth, the more we feel as human. It is not a coincidence that the motto of İleri Portal is “Truth is Revolutionary” –where the original Turkish version of this article is published.

Once we began to reveal Aleppo lies, than we found ourselves in another galaxy of accusations: We are Essadist, Russophile. In fact, this is not alien to us. Weren’t we occupier in Afghanistan, Saddamist in Iraq, Qaddafi supporter in Libya? The most surprising fact was that, those or similar accusations were directed to us even by those intellectually developed people, whom we thought that they believed in truth. There is really a serious epistemological problem: It does not mean that you propagate one side when you are revealing the lies of the other side, when you point the false claims of other side. If we did so, instead of revealing the lies, we would be sharing the footages on how “People of Aleppo welcome Syrian Army with tears” or “People of Aleppo greeted Syrian Army with fireworks”. Above all, it is very much clear that, especially after the experience in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, statements like “Opposition jihadists slaughters people but Essad is also not a democrat” or “Neither FSA nor Essad” are nothing but just saucy foolishness.

As lies are revealed, then we face with exploitation of facts and events which symbolize the evil, which aches every heart like Srebrenica genocide. In social media, it was commonly emphasized that Aleppo was new Srebrenica, without paying attention to factual, historical and even political irrelevancies between the two. Is it the limit of idiocy? Those thousands of disarmed civilians who were slaughtered in Srebrenica were considered to be equal with those barbarians who exploited civilians as human shields, who enjoyed cutting throats and selling women in slave markets for four years!

In 2011, RTS, the State Television of Serbia declared apology for those fake news which were broadcasted in 90’s on War in Bosnia. The documentary film titled “Godine koje su pojeli lavovi” (The year which was eaten by the lions) directed by Sarajevo journalist Boro Kontiç and projected in Sarajevo Film Festival in 2011 is like a lesson by including interviews made with those journalists who produced those fake news. Those who watched the documentary could see how wretched a journalist can become. Surely they were all regretful of what they did and they all apologized. But some were still defending the evil, still defending the fake news they reported. (1)

It would be a bit naïve to expect that those jihadists who turned Aleppo into hell will apologize. It is even a bit naïve dream that those pathologically stubborn “social media illiterates” who do not hesitate to share hoax news to make a self-criticism and to apologize for what they did. However, those who are searching for the truth should never give up their struggle. Our most effective weapon against that illiteracy is the “truth”. Truth is revolutionary and revolutionaries are fearless fighters for the search of the truth.

(1)
   
For the trailer of the documentary film of Boro Kontiç: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jY10R7l_1Cw

Sunday, 18 December 2016

TRUMP'S BALKANS

(Original text: Published in December 12, 2016)

Trump’s victory in US found its reflections in Balkans as well. Apart from the fact that the “first lady” is of Slovenian origin, Trump as the new president of US caused a sort of ambition among the dumb politicians in ex-Yugoslavia which were already polarized between supporters of Clinton and Trump before the elections.

Trump’s victory in the elections was in fact a shock in Eastern Europe. The early signs that Trump will have a more balanced foreign relations with Russia caused a fuss in the rusophobic administrations of Eastern Europe. Some countries have already tended to follow a balanced relation with Russia. Czechia, Hungary or Slovakia. A similar will appeared in Bulgaria and Moldova with the latest elections. However, Poland and especially Ukraine are quite uneasy with the upcoming new era and we suppose that they really have to be quite uneasy with the contemporary governments they have. As it is known: Both inner and international politics of both countries are established on consolidation based on rusophobia.

There will not be easy days for the liberals in Eastern Europe. On the other side, it should not be forgotten that the joy of populist and ultra-right wing politics about Trump’s victory absolutely do not offer better future for working class, employers and leftists. This shall be the subject of another article.

What about US’s “farm in Europe”; the Balkans?

Unsurprisingly, Balkans were divided into two camps even before the elections. A clear cut frontline between the anti-Trump and pro-Trump camps have already appeared.

Locals of Sevnica celebrating the election results. (photo: http://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-election-slovenia-trump-idUSKBN1342BF)
Slovenia can be identified as the folkloric member of pro-Trump camp. (Slovenia is not the one which is separated from Czechoslovakia, but the other one) The tiny country of Slovenia is proud of being the homeland of Trump’s (latest) wife Melania Trump from Slovenia. Yes, you did not read wrong: Donald Trump, who blackmails the immigrants to dismiss from US is married with a woman who migrated to USA in 1996 and gathered US citizenship only ten years ago! Melania Trump (Melianija Knavs) is from Sevnica, a small town of almost 5000 population at the skirts of Alps in Slovenia, where inhabitants celebrated Trump’s victory with parties. Nowadays the “aunties” who know little Melanija or Melanija’s old friends are invited to TV shows. Slovenians expect that the national brother-in-law (Donald Trump) will attach special importance to Slovenia and even a tourism boom is expected.

Seselj and his Serbian Radicals rallying for Trump. (Photo: http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/file/show//Images/Images.New/Seselj%20Tramp%20640%20Beta.jpg)
However, the prominent songs of victory rose in Belgrade. President Nikolic have already declared his full support for Trump even long before the elections. Prime Minister Vucic did not show a direct support but declared his confidence of Trump’s victory after the election results were announced. The real enthusiasm was of Vojislav Seselj, ex-criminal of war, just left the prison and began to lead his Serbian Radical Party. It has to be noted that Milosevic or Karadzic can be identified as naïve when compared with Seselj. This arrogant Chetnik murder enjoyed to show his support to Trump by dressing t-shirts with Trump’s poster on it.

The love for Trump of Serbian nationalists is not limited with that of from Serbia. In Banja Luka, where a truck showed off in the city the whole day of election with huge posters of Putin and Trump, some celebrated Trump’s victory as well. Since Trump declared a more balanced relation with Putin, Serbian nationalists surely declared themselves as Trumpists. In Macedonia, icons are prepared showing Trump as a saint. Nikola Gruevski, the nationalist arrogant leader of Macedonia is quite happy with the anti-Islam discourse of Trump.

A truck for celebrating Trump's victory, not fırgetting the respect for Putin in Banja Luka. (Photo: http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/file/show//Images/Images.New/Seselj%20Tramp%20640%20Beta.jpg)
It is not surprising that in ex-Yugoslavia polarization became a part of daily political life. So is the same case with the US elections. Bosnian Muslims and Kosovar Albanians are surely unhappy with US election results with the hope that like Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton would also “protect and support” Bosna and Kosovo.

People of different nations in Balkans are in search of some hope from distant countries since some time, without any trust or expectation from the local politicians.




Thursday, 15 December 2016

TITO and FIDEL

(Original text: Published in December 5, 2016)

Since Fidel left us, many from ex-Yugoslavia shared photos in social media in which Fidel and Tito appear together. The“Yugoslavs among us” did the same indeed. On the other side it is known that political relations between Fidel and Tito was not that much cordial.

Just after it is announced that Fidel have died, an article published in Klix, one of Bosnia’s well known web portals caused some discussion not only among leftists in Bosnia, but also those from other ex-Yugoslav republics. While photos of Fidel and Tito, signifying their friendship were shared in social media, the article in Klix was pointing out the reality behind the scene. (1)

Tito and Fidel have met face to face for the first time in United Nations in 1969 when Cuba was in trouble in international relations. Giving direct support to revolutionary movements in South America, Cuba was facing with harsh sanctions from imperialism, leaded by aggressive politics of USA resulting with a diplomatic global isolation of Cuba. Exception was support of USSR. While at the same time, Socialist Federation of Yugoslavia under the rule of League of Yugoslav Communists, which was dismissed from Cominform in 1948, was enjoying close relations with the imperialist countries who were imposing unjust sanctions against Cuba. It also has to be noted that almost 8400 communists in Yugoslavia were imprisoned with the claim of being Stalinist or supporting Cominform.

Yugoslavia was in a political isolation in 1950’s and Tito’s solution for that was to become closer to imperialist countries in 1960’s. Thus, by reforms of 1965, decentralized state federative structure was strengthened and self-management was transformed into a system which was more coherent with market economy.

Of course, Yugoslavia’s move towards more harmony with market economics was not one sided. Western countries, appreciating Yugoslavia as a trump card against Soviet Union were likely to donate Yugoslavia with low-profit rated financial credits. Thanks to those Western financial credits, Yugoslavia enjoyed the most prosperous period ever. In fact, the end of 1960’s and the beginning of 1970’s are mostly referred by Yugonostalgia claimers as the time period when the life in Yugoslavia was the best. (2) On the other side, despite enjoying such a prosperous time period, the symptoms of dissolution and collapse of Yugoslavia could already be observed. Even a CIA report dated in 1970 was mentioning the beginning of the end. However, Tito and League of Yugoslav Communists were far away from reality without being able to analyze the situation. The concept of “self-management” which was certainly not specific to Yugoslavia signifies an anachronism. Yugoslav self-management practice was anachronist, since the idea of self-management of those utopic socialists of 19th century like Proudhon, Fourier and Owen was already surpassed by scientific socialism, though still referred widely by Eurocommunism in indispensable search for an alternative against Soviet experience. Indeed, the new Yugoslav constitution of 1974 was the declaration of dissolution: Yugoslavia was not anymore a federation but a confederation.

It was that time when Fidel directed harsh criticisms against Tito. He was already distant to Tito, since Yugoslavia used to sell weapons to Fulgencia Batista which were directed against revolutionaries in Cuba. Moreover, Fidel was criticizing the luxurious and hedonistic lifestyle of Tito who almost became an iconic figure of Western magazine while hanging out with Hollywood stars or enjoying safari in Africa. The principal ideological break between Fidel and Tito was during the 1979 summit of non-Aligned Movement where Fidel criticized the movement, especially Tito, for their silence against global operations of imperialism. At that time, for sure two communist leaders of two communist countries should have given sincere poses to the journalists from worldwide.

Tito and Yugoslav partisans with their mythical guerilla resistance against fascism, forcing Nazis to kneel in the Dinar Alps take an heroic place in the international history of anti-fascist struggle. However, like many other communists Fidel was also aware that Tito and Yugoslav communists could not show the same will of struggle against imperialism. It also has to be noted that one of the reasons behind the current actual weakness of left and class struggle in ex-Yugoslavia despite the ongoing economic crisis, political problems is the political legacy of Tito and Yugoslav experience which could not pass through a process of self-criticism where a quarter century passed by since the bloody dissolution of Yugoslavia.


Apart from the fact that Yugoslavia and practice of self-management and Tito did not pass through a process of self-criticism, for us Tito is still the heroic commander in the anti-fascist struggle and one of the founders of socialist Yugoslavia with the motto “Protect fraternity and unity like the apple of your eyes”. But if we will put Fidel and Tito in the same photo, it we also have to keep in mind that it is not because of Tito’s political stance, but because of the essence of international solidarity which Fidel have never left behind.

(1) For the aerticle in Bosnian language click here.
(2) For my article on politcal impasse of Yugonostalgia click here

Tuesday, 13 December 2016

THE POLITICAL IMPASSE OF YUGONOSTALGIA

(Original text: Published in January 5, 2016)

There is usually a general tendency to overrate Yugoslav experience in left wing politics. For most, Yugoslavia and Tito are the smiling, humanistic face of socialism and the post-Yugoslav tragedy is just an outcome of nationalism provoked and supported by imperialism.
No doubt that nationalist separatism received support from imperialism and the political impact of West, especially Germany, on the bloody process of breakup of Yugoslavia cannot be ignored. On the other side, it would be a bit naive not to foresee that the constitutional reform in 1973 in Yugoslavia which transformed the Yugoslav federation into confederation would end up with the breakup of Yugoslavia. Especially, at the time when USSR was collapsed and imperialism did not any more need the smiling face socialism.
Despite the fact that almost a quarter century has passed since the breakup of Yugoslavia, the memories of good old times are still alive for some. Almost in all of ex-Yugoslav countries, a café fancied with materials about Yugoslavia or a monument is evitable cherishing the memories Yugoslavia. Even sometimes some new ones opened. For example in Bosnia, Tito Café located at the ground floor of the Sarajevo History Museum is a popular place with canons and armories from the World War II located at its garden where Tito’s birthday is celebrated every year with fireworks. A few more Ex-YU cafés do also exist. One of the main streets in Sarajevo city center is still “Marshall Tito Alley” and a Tito monument in the campus of Sarajevo University still stands. Ex-YU is the abbreviation for ex-Yugoslavia and is widely used in popular culture. Not only in Sarajevo, but also in Serbia, Montenegro or any other ex-Yugoslav countries ex-YU ornaments or places can be found. Even in Slovenia which was the first to claim independence from Yugoslavia.
The nostalgia for Yugoslavia, or as we shortly call; Yugonostalgia, is prevalent in all over ex-Yugoslavia. Differing from “Ostalgie” (nostalgia for German Democratic Republic), or nostalgia for USSR (which is widely exploited by Putin), Yugonostalgia is not alive only in the hearts of ex-partisans or the elders who lived during the most prosperous times of Yugoslavia, but also in the hearts of youngsters who even were not existing in Yugoslavia.
Now, just imagine a country that leaders from 122 countries were in the funeral of your leader including kings, presidents… It is clear that neither in Serbia, nor in Croatia, nor in Slovenia, Bosnia, Montenegro, nor in Macedonia, a similar funeral will never happen again. Just imagine: You were a citizen of a country of 22 million population, not only respectably recognized in Europe, but also worldwide, your leader is main figure of non-Aligned Movement and has a top prestigious position respected in both camps of the world during the Cold War. You have a respected army, a serious economy and then suddenly: Puffff! You are a citizen of a country where people even do not know if your country is separated from Czechoslovakia or Yugoslavia, or you are citizen of a country which is recognized only with the national football team with funny looking jerseys. Those two are the so called better off countries of ex-Yugoslavia who are both members of EU. Or you are a citizen Bosnia and Herzegovina, a monument of instability or a citizen of Macedonia even whose official name is not recognized in UN. Or a citizen of a country like Serbia which is shrinking through decades. Or a citizen of mafia-state like Kosovo or a citizen of Montenegro which resembles like a fictitious state. Would not you miss Yugoslavia?
Despite the tendency of Yugonostalgia, class movement and left wing parties are very weak in ex-Yugoslavia. Yugonostalgia obviously does not have any political implication in daily politics, which relies mostly on the anachronic character of Yugonostalgia. The main reason behind the anachronistic character of Yugonostalgia is the exemption of any kind of criticism of Tito and the practice of self-management. More than a political will, Yugonostalgia is a reflection of memories from relatively prosperous good-old days thanks to the financial credits donated by Western countries as a gift to a “socialist” country for her role in Cold War opposing USSR.
In contemporary political atmosphere, it has to be noted that Yugonostalgia, as an outcome of popular culture does not have any political implication. On the contrary, it has negative effect on class struggle and socialist politics in ex-Yugoslavia by blocking any political free of Titoism or Yugonostalgia. 

Thursday, 2 January 2014

“AHEAD TO FREEDOM WITH SELF-MANAGEMENT”!

Original text: Published in December 29, 2013

Since for a while, “self-management” became a term which began to be used by BDP more often. (BDP is the pro-Kurdish party which is represented in Turkish Assembly) It seems the term is more often used since the local elections come closer and closer which will be held in March 30, 2014. On December 27, Selahattin Demirtaş, the co-chairman of BDP, while announcing the candidates for provinces and sub-provinces, have declared that they will establish a new social system by launching “self-management”. (1)

The usage of the term “self-management” by Kurdish politicians is not a recent fact. In the beginning of 2013, Şerafettin Elçi have mentioned that Kurds should obtain “self-management” in their region(s). (2) Before Elçi, Kemal Burkay have expressed that, self-management is even demanded by those Kurds who vote for governing AKP party. In this sense, he argued that self-management is claimed by every actor in Kurdish national movement. (3) In July 2013, following what happened in Rojava (Kurdish declaration of autonomy in Northern Syria); the term self-management is more often uttered by Kurdish national movement. In her article titled “Democratic Self-Management Revolution in Western Kurdistan”, dated July 27, 2013, in daily newspaper Özgür Gündem, Aysel Tuğluk wrote: “Between the dates July 19-22, Kurds in Western Kurdistan, in the cities of Kobani, Afrin, Dîrka Hamko and Amude have declared that they started to put self-management into practice!”

It seems that, following the meeting where the BDP’s candidates for the next local elections are declared, the term “self-management” will more often be referred.

We have to say that the definition of the term is a bit ambiguous. We can even say that there is even not a definition of the concept made by BDP. In Qijike Reş, an anarchist/Kurdish periodical, in the article titled “Isolatedness, Self-management and Direct Democracy”; a definition of self-management is done: “Self-management describes the ideal to have an autonomous, independent functionality and management in a defined territory ruled by the people who live on that territory. BDP’s request for self-management can be referred within this scope.” (4)

Self-management is a concept, which is usually not a popular subject for theoretical discussions, but preferred to be widely used by various political agents. For example, it has been stated in the ÖDP’s (Party for Freedom and Solidarity) party codes that ÖDP takes action for a self-managemantarian socialism.

The concept was quite popular in 1970’s. During the most brilliant period of the Yugoslav experience, the concept was very much welcome by those leftists who were not very happy with concept of communism, who felt horrified when they heard the term “Leninist party”. Just a few years before the collapse of Yugoslav model, Uğur Mumcu, a recognized left-wing Turkish journalist who was assassinated by Islamic terrorists in 1989, praised Titoism: “Being against Leninism, or being against Soviet Marxism does not mean to be an ‘anti-Marxist’. Neither Titoism, nor European communism did not cut the ties with Marxist ideology.” (Cumhuriyet, October 18, 1984) Indeed, today it is very well known that, how the leading figures of Yugoslav Communists League like Milosevic had cut their ties with Marxism in those years.

If “nationalism” is the knife which cut that tie, it is known that it was self-management who tempered and strengthened that knife.

For now, it is unclear how BDP defines the concept of self-management. Probably, the basis of the concept will be clearer during the process of local elections.

However, a few words have to be said on Yugoslav case as one of the prominent examples of self-management about how self-management was reflected on political practices in Yugoslavia and how the concept was defined and practiced.

Self-management have had different practices but mostly recognized with anarchist movement. Just after the World War II, Yugoslavia have had lost the technical support from USSR as a result of increasing tension between two countries since Yugoslavia had relatively better relations with West. Back then, Yugoslavia was an agrarian country and foreign technical aid was needed to establish an infrastructure required for an economical push.

The self-management model, which was drawn by Milovan Djilas, a leading figure of League of Communist of Yugoslavia was accepted as the model for economic development in Yugoslavia. From then on, directors of those production corporations which were organized according to Soviet model would be elected by the workers of those corporations. On the other side, the system where workers had direct impact on the administration brought many problems as well.

At first, although the system has foreseen direct participation of the workers, there had always been a problem about internalizing the “working class”. Moreover, the issue was more problematic in the rural corporations while even the feudal social and economic relations were not yet to be dissolved. Those workers, who were elected to be directors of the corporations, were rather unsuccessful, or they were transformed into technocrats, or technocrats out of the corporations, who preferably had management education in the western countries, were assigned as directors of the corporations. In fact, League of Communists of Yugoslavia was not that much interested in organizational issues of the corporations if they could reach production goals.

A striking example can be given from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Fikret Abdic, who became the director of the “Agrokomerc” state farm in 1970’s in Velika Kladuşa, a city close to Bihaç in Western Bosnia, was successful to transform the state farm into one of the most successful  combined food corporations not only in Bosnia, but also in Yugoslavia. Fikret Abdic, who became like an autonomous lord had so much power that he declared the “Autonomous Republic of Western Bosnia” during the Bosnian War in 1990’s. The paramilitary forces under his command are recognized by the massacres they organized.  

During the following years, similar directors appeared in all over Yugoslavia. Most of those directors were rather in the top cadres of the nationalist parties or financially supported the nationalist leaders. Many of the leading businessmen of today’s ex-Yugoslav republics were elected by workers to be directors within “self-management” system in Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Today, the reality stands in front of us that they were surely not on the side of Marxist economics.

Furthermore, it is also widely known that those “self-managed” corporations were oasis for corruption.

The problem was even bigger in the national scale. Some corporations enjoying the sectoral advantages were operating with high profit rates, whereas the income of low profit corporations  was relatively declining in the meantime. For example, GDP per capita in Slovenia, where the corporations operating for market and foreign trade were increasing. On the other side agricultural corporations were leading economy in Macedonia and the GDP per capita was relatively decreasing since the self-management model was insufficient in agricultural production. Similarly, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who was enjoying the resources like iron, coal and hydro and thermo electric power; heavy industry and mining were the leading sectors. However, since the production was not directly made for market or for foreign trade, the GDP per capita was decreasing relatively as well.

Thanks to the financial credits, due to Yugoslavia’s opposition to Soviet Union, the gap between republics were until some degree diminished. However, soon in mid-1980’s, with glasnost and perestroika, USSR began to give signals to collaborate with western liberalism. In this context, there was no more need for Yugoslavia. In the meantime it was also time for Yugoslavia to pay back the credits.

As the beginning of 1980’s were the most bright period of Yugoslavia, the end of 1980’s were that much dark with three digit inflation rates, high degree of corruption, increasing unemployment and poverty in general. As a result, the enrichened republics began to complain that they would not like to carry the burden of their poorer brothers and sisters. The aggressive nationalist paradigm of Serbian nationalism was a good reason for Slovenia and Croatia, the two richest republics to declare independence from Yugoslavia.

It is very much clear how self-management, so-called a system which had an image that working class has direct participation in management, in a country like Yugoslavia which had a more lovely image then that of Soviet Union have resulted.

Now, it is a question, how will BDP define and practice self-management, which they began to refer more frequently before the local elections.

(1)    Özgür Gündem, December 27, 2013 (Main caption)



Tuesday, 17 December 2013

BILO JEDNOM JEDNA ZEMLJA (ONCE UPON A TIME THERE WAS A COUNTRY)

Original text: Published in December 14,2013

AVNOJ (Antifašističko Vijeće Narodnog Oslobođenja Jugoslavije – Yugoslav Antifascist National Liberation Council) was established in Bihaç / Bosnia in November 26, 1942. Having bravely fought not only against the Nazis, but also against Ustaşa (Croatian fascists) and Çetniks (Serbian fascists), they gathered again in Bosnian city Jajce between the dates November 21-29, 1943. In the last day of the meeting the foundations of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia were laid.

After the liberation from the Nazi occupation, November 29 was celebrated as “The Republic Day” in Yugoslavia under the leadership of Tito. However, during the last years of Yugoslavia, the Republic Day was impassionately celebrated by only state officials. June 25, 1991 is the de facto end of Yugoslavia, when the two most prosperous states of Yugoslavia, namely Slovenia and Croatia declared independence and while it was immediately recognized by the West. After Macedonia’s and Bosnia’s declaration of independence, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia existed de jure until 2003 with Serbia and Montenegro.

The time period between 1991 and 2003 has a tragedic imagination in the memories of people who lived in ex-Yugoslav republics. During this time period of 12 years, Milosevic, who claimed to prolonge the legacy of Yugoslavia, had simply slaughtered the positive perception of Yugoslavia in blood.

Establishment of free Kosovo under UÇK’s terror, 1999 NATO bombardment and the post-Milosevic collaboratist governments do not change this reality. Milosevic’s regime, neither supported the equality of peoples against UÇK terror, nor did it have an anti-imperialist stand against NATO bombardment. Since Tito’s death, Milosevic’s aim was clear: To upside down Tito’s “weaker Serbia, stronger Yugoslavia” to “smaller Yugoslavia, greater Serbia”. Milosevic was not only significant by practicing the most archaic forms of nationalism, but also was recognized with his attack against working class at home.

This period of twelve years had a significant perceptual change in Bosnia, which was recognized as the most Yugoslav republic of Yugoslavia. Despite the time passed by, it is difficult to clear this perception. While JNA (Yugoslav People’s Army) was retreating from Bosnia, it is known that most of the heavy weapons were left to Çetniks (ultra nationalist paramilitary Serbian armed units) and the massacres in Bosnia were done by those weapons.

Despite the fresh scars of the war, the warm memories of Yugoslavia revitalizes in ex-Yugoslavia as well as in Bosnia, often visible in the sphere of popular culture. It was a case that in the 70th anniversary of the November 29, 1943 Jajce meeting of the AVNOJ, shared visual items referring to Yugoslavia had an apparent increase. Especially Yugoslav flag with the red star in the middle or Tito’s photos were frequently visible in facebook profiles.

It is widely known by the public that the image of Yugoslavia, which had been polluted under Milosevic regime, is reviving within the concept of Yugonostalgia. Republic Day (November 29) or Day of Youth (May 25) are began to be celebrated in the urban centres of ex-Yugoslavia with fireworks.

An academics, Goran Markoviç, recognized as being leader of Communist Workers’ Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina (which does not exist anymore), took attention to an important point during the interview which published in Abraş Media, analternative media web site on November 29. Markoviç underlined the context that the Yugoslav experience is not only an issue that has to be studied by the historians, but by the citizens of banana republics. He argues that the image and perception of Yugoslavia should not be a part of nostalgia, but has to be a part of future. Markoviç also takes attention on the current situation of ex-Yugoslav republics which are stuck in corruption and argues that the AVNOJ experience must be considered as an alternative in the future.  (1)

Although we can talk about a constant revival of the positive image of Yugoslavia in the sphere of popular culture, similar dynamics are not yet reflected on the political sphere and it seems it will take some time for that. The Left in ex-Yugoslavia still could not cure the wounds of the nationalist demolition. On the other side, and more importantly, the socialist or communist parties in ex-Yugoslavia were unable to train experienced cadres which would replace the veterans and this is the main obstacle for the ex-Yugoslav Left to go further in political sphere.

In addition to that, the ex-Yugoslav left did not go through a process of criticism of Yugoslav socialism, or so-called Titoism. There is even not any attempt for that. As a result of not passing through a process of (self) criticism and an interruption in the continuity of the political cadres, the reviving positive perception of Yugoslavia is not reflected on political spheres since the socialist/communist parties are not seen as political alternatives which could carry Yugonostalgia to political platform.