Original text: Published in December 14,2013
AVNOJ (Antifašističko Vijeće Narodnog Oslobođenja
Jugoslavije – Yugoslav Antifascist National Liberation Council) was
established in Bihaç / Bosnia in November 26, 1942. Having bravely fought not
only against the Nazis, but also against Ustaşa (Croatian fascists) and Çetniks
(Serbian fascists), they gathered again in Bosnian city Jajce between the dates
November 21-29, 1943. In the last day of the meeting the foundations of the Socialist
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia were laid.
After the liberation
from the Nazi occupation, November 29 was celebrated as “The Republic Day” in Yugoslavia
under the leadership of Tito. However, during the last years of Yugoslavia, the
Republic Day was impassionately celebrated by only state officials. June 25,
1991 is the de facto end of
Yugoslavia, when the two most prosperous states of Yugoslavia, namely Slovenia
and Croatia declared independence and while it was immediately recognized by
the West. After Macedonia’s and Bosnia’s declaration of independence, Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia existed de jure
until 2003 with Serbia and Montenegro.
The time
period between 1991 and 2003 has a tragedic imagination in the memories of
people who lived in ex-Yugoslav republics. During this time period of 12 years,
Milosevic, who claimed to prolonge the legacy of Yugoslavia, had simply slaughtered
the positive perception of Yugoslavia in blood.
Establishment
of free Kosovo under UÇK’s terror, 1999 NATO bombardment and the post-Milosevic
collaboratist governments do not change this reality. Milosevic’s regime,
neither supported the equality of peoples against UÇK terror, nor did it have
an anti-imperialist stand against NATO bombardment. Since Tito’s death, Milosevic’s
aim was clear: To upside down Tito’s “weaker Serbia, stronger Yugoslavia” to
“smaller Yugoslavia, greater Serbia”. Milosevic was not only significant by
practicing the most archaic forms of nationalism, but also was recognized with
his attack against working class at home.
This period
of twelve years had a significant perceptual change in Bosnia, which was recognized
as the most Yugoslav republic of Yugoslavia. Despite the time passed by, it is difficult
to clear this perception. While JNA (Yugoslav People’s Army) was retreating
from Bosnia, it is known that most of the heavy weapons were left to Çetniks
(ultra nationalist paramilitary Serbian armed units) and the massacres in
Bosnia were done by those weapons.
Despite the
fresh scars of the war, the warm memories of Yugoslavia revitalizes in
ex-Yugoslavia as well as in Bosnia, often visible in the sphere of popular
culture. It was a case that in the 70th anniversary of the November 29, 1943
Jajce meeting of the AVNOJ, shared visual items referring to Yugoslavia had an apparent
increase. Especially Yugoslav flag with the red star in the middle or Tito’s
photos were frequently visible in facebook profiles.
It is
widely known by the public that the image of Yugoslavia, which had been
polluted under Milosevic regime, is reviving within the concept of Yugonostalgia.
Republic Day (November 29) or Day of Youth (May 25) are began to be celebrated
in the urban centres of ex-Yugoslavia with fireworks.
An academics,
Goran Markoviç, recognized as being leader of Communist Workers’ Party of
Bosnia and Herzegovina (which does not exist anymore), took attention to an
important point during the interview which published in Abraş Media, analternative media web site on November 29. Markoviç underlined the context that
the Yugoslav experience is not only an issue that has to be studied by the
historians, but by the citizens of banana republics. He argues that the image
and perception of Yugoslavia should not be a part of nostalgia, but has to be a
part of future. Markoviç also takes attention on the current situation of
ex-Yugoslav republics which are stuck in corruption and argues that the AVNOJ
experience must be considered as an alternative in the future. (1)
Although we
can talk about a constant revival of the positive image of Yugoslavia in the
sphere of popular culture, similar dynamics are not yet reflected on the
political sphere and it seems it will take some time for that. The Left in
ex-Yugoslavia still could not cure the wounds of the nationalist demolition. On
the other side, and more importantly, the socialist or communist parties in ex-Yugoslavia
were unable to train experienced cadres which would replace the veterans and
this is the main obstacle for the ex-Yugoslav Left to go further in political
sphere.
In addition
to that, the ex-Yugoslav left did not go through a process of criticism of
Yugoslav socialism, or so-called Titoism. There is even not any attempt for
that. As a result of not passing through a process of (self) criticism and an
interruption in the continuity of the political cadres, the reviving positive
perception of Yugoslavia is not reflected on political spheres since the
socialist/communist parties are not seen as political alternatives which could
carry Yugonostalgia to political platform.
